Chadeau, Emmanuel, 1985, État, Entreprise & Développement Économique : L’Industrie Aéronautique en France (1900-1940) Thèse pour le Doctorat, unpublished version

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État, Entreprise & Développement Économique : L’Industrie Aéronautique en France (1900-1940)

This is a doctoral thesis. In the title, Chadeau uses the word "aéronautique" in an inclusive sense. Though the term has been formalized as pertaining to the field of LTA, and though one may see the "nautical" etymology in the word, and therefore the connection to airship, and so forth, Chadeau was among those using the term expansively. His writing explores the entire trajectory of French aircraft development, from the earliest balloons, through dirigibles, and into airplanes, setbacks and stimuli, relative to military and other factors and into the atelier-dominated stage of proto-industrialization.

Below is a streamlined gleaning from the thesis, to be expanded and improved.

There are five volumes to this, with “Parties” largely corresponding to these volumes. though Volume 2 includes both the “Deuxième Partie : Naissance de l’Entreprise Aéronautique (1900-1914)” and the “Troisième Partie : Prospérité, Affaires et Bureaucratie (1914-1918)”.

Volume 1, after acknowledgements, a photographic dossier, and a general introduction, gets into the “Première Partie : L’Industrie Jusqu’en 1940, Étude d’Ensemble”.

At Lille-III, looking at an unpublished version of this dissertation, we focused on Volume 2, on the included “Deuxième Partie : Naissance de l’Entreprise Aéronautique (1900-1914)”. This opens with the assertion that it was between 1905 and the middle of 1909 that aviation arose, as an economic force, that is, with the simultaneous putting in place of the first builders of heavier-than-air, the professional organization of the entrepreneurs, and foresight regarding an emryonic market. Finally, there appeared the first connections between the “pôle d’activité” and the surrounding economic milieu.

(Stylistically and otherwise, this section of the dissertation is of note in that, while titularly emphasizing key early XXth Century developments, of the transition from invention, as such, and movements towards greater industrial scale, it also features a friendly and succinct summation of the preceding history, from work following that of the Frères Montgolfier, through the XIXth Century, up to the developments preceding the Great War.)

Our focus here is on a part of that Volume 2 (Birth of Aeronautic Enterprise (1900-1914), that is, on the “Deuxième Partie” of the dissertation, the first “part” included in the second volume. This “part” begins with the dissertation’s chapter 4, “les tout débuts : des ateliers dans les limbes (1900-1914)”. Grammar is peculiar here, but this is “all the beginnings : ateliers in the wings (1900-1909)”. This is the emphasis of the fraction of unpublished material we’ve retrieved from Lille-III, the peak in innovative “workshop” culture immediately preceding the full industrialization of aeronautics. It is partially a matter of fortune that Chadeau quickly segues into and begins this part of his analysis with a retrospective summation of all preceding French aeronautic history.

This is treated as a “crystallization” which was the fruit of long preceding evolution. The work thusly gets into some fine handling of Late-19th Century historical also of great interest.

This crystallization brings with it the distinguishing between methods of experimentation pertinent to motorized and non-motorized aircraft. One characteristic of this time is the separation of private initiative from the state. This founds the separation of enterprise from the state until 1936 and explains the essential traits of the industry until 1914, or even 1918 or 1920.

Crossed out of the unpublished material is a section on a check in military research taking place between 1880 and 1905 (p.164), though a mere title change is penciled in, and a changing of the timespan to 1899-1910.

The text starts with an analysis of the trajectory of dirigibles, alleging, at this point, aeronautic research being assured by the army, in the late 19th Century, this support being a rebirth of the tradition which had begun in the late 18th Century.

This earlier history is fleshed out, inclusive of the fundamental leap made between the balloon and the dirigible, the experimentation with the “Montgolfière” en November and December of 1793, conducted by Jean-François Pilâtre de Rozier, of the Marquis d’Arlandes, and of the doctors Charles and Robert, along with an officer in the Corps des Ingénieurs - the future Génie - the Lieutenant Jean-Baptiste Meusnier proposed the employment of balloons, driven by propellers, in the furtherance of military observations. (The term “Montgolfière” was naturally applied to aircraft based upon the balloon type invented by the Frères Montgolfier.)

Due to financial and technical difficulties, this aircraft was not constructed, but the idea of controlling air, in the furtherance of military command decisions, progressed. Meusnier was killed in June 1793, but his projects were continued under the leadership of Cassell, in collaboration with notables such as Louis-Bernard Guyton de Morveau, Antoine Laurent Lavoisier and Jean-Marie Coutelle being involved in the efforts.

These men focused on improvements to captive balloons, and a process of hydrogen gas fabrication by way of iron oxidation. Work with dirigible design was abandoned in favor of further improvement in "Montgolfière" balloons, but the concept of fabrication of the "envelope", itself, was able to progress.

In October 1793, Lhomond presented at the Tuileries a captive balloon prototype, produced by the French government, at the expense of a seized expatriate. He was convinced that an operational captive balloon would be produced. This aircraft appeared in June 1794 near the troops of Sambre and Meuse. Instructions specified its use in advance, but it was hoped that its appearance would bring an impression of terror, so as to discourage the enemy, or worse. From the 23rd to the 26th of June, 1794, these objectives were able to be attained.

The Armée de Jourdan (a French army hailing from France’s south) then captured and illicitly took this craft from Charleroi, Belgium, and took it to Fleurus, slightly to the northeast.

Ten of these balloons were then constructed, and on the 31st of October, 1794, an École National d’Aérostation was established, at Meudon, a bit to the west of Paris.

The ballons were nevertheless gradually withdrawn from the fighting and disappeared after the Siege of Mantoue in 1796, because the war left the heavily fortified areas or the armies evolved in a manner requiring less expansive encampment, rendering themselves more rapidly mobile. Captive balloons thus lost their utility. It required from 24 to 36 hours to prepare the hydrogen, the improvised forges which enabled this work were hardly barely housable, and cavalry movements on the naturally partitioned war theaters of Italy. These factors all played against the balloon.

It wasn’t until after “la Guerre de 1870”, that is the Franco-Prussian War, that balloons regained their real place within French military capacity.

Several factors led to this resurgence. Pressed by the Prussian blockade, the French had demonstrated their efficacy in reestablishing contact with the Province : 66 balloons constructed “by amateurs”(this is redacted) near the gas factory of Vaurigard left Paris between the 23rd of September 1870 and the 28th of January 1871, and a military balloon, the “Jean Bart”, went from Chanzy to Blois. New techniques of inflation, the appearance of solid textiles in which their coating was facilitated by way of the same solidity, a factory for extracting hydrogen from coal ; these were factors supporting this renaissance.

Defeat, which pressed the need for military reform upon the French, gave the needed incentive. Gambetta, president of the Budget Commision in the Chamber of Deputees, intervened, with research credits starting in 1874. Le Génie, again, was endowed in 1876-1877 with an Établissement Central de l’Aérostation Militaire, situated in the parc de Chalais, in Meudon. Its direction was trusted to an officer 30 years of age, Charles Renard. From 1877 until death in 1905, the Captain, then Commandant and finally Colonel Renard dominated aeronautic research, which remained a strictly military matter.

The modernization of these observation crafts butted on the challenges to mobility, and thusly on the choice of an engine capable of motorizing them, then to render them “dirigibles” by the appropriate means. In 1884, Charles Renard and his assistant Arthur Krebs came to motorize a gas balloon, to which they gave an elongated form and a nacelle. An 8CV electric motor with chlorochromic piles endowed with a special hélice, adapted from those used in marine navigation. This aircraft, christened as the "Lafion", succeeded on 9 August 1884 in making a roundtrip between Meudon and Villacoublay in 23 minutes. This equals 19 km/hour. Up to the end of 1885 five other test flights followed.

The progress tapered off, then. The aircraft of 1884-1885 realized a technical balance. The challenge was then to re-find this balance faster and more powerful airships. From 1895 to 1892 Charles Renard tried approximately 20 motors - of gas, steam, and of liquid fuel (likely oil) - none of which were satisfactory Though their weight to power ratio was superior to that of their terrestrial equivalent of the time, they were still to weak for the propulsion of balloons. The establishment in 1890 of the world's first wind tunnel allowed Charles Renard to resume his studies. The new "Général Meusnier" couldn't be assured of stability beyond speeds of around 50 km/hour. He continued with the production of more primitive captive balloons.

In these same years the French Army aided Clément Ader in his work with aircraft which were "plus lourds que l'air", that is, heavier-than-air. Ader (1841-1925) proposed a heavier-than-air craft conceived specially for the Army. This diversion into aeronautics proceeded from systematic investigation into new techniques: from 1876 he dedicated himself to electricity. He filed around fifty patents pertaining to electricity, those presented at the 1881 Exposition Universelle d'Electricite, in Paris, remaining the most well-known, used in the first Parisian telephone networks.

Changing to a new object of study, Ader focused on the construction of his aeronef, the Éole, propelled by a steam motor of 20 CV. After eight years of updating, the apparatus could carry itself from some fifty meters in the air to as low as some centimeters or decimeters above the ground.

The technical characteristics of the apparatus, of which the motors were better than those of Charles Renard, were conducive to the needs of the Army. The Éole led through 1897 to his series of Avions. He conceived his « doctrine d'emploi ». His machines could bring intelligence to the Army, but also attacks enemy combatants on the ground, and bomb or infiltrate the rear of the enemy.

So Chadeau follows the rises and falls in statist military-industrial support of the research engaged in by Clément Ader, the latter’s well-known formative work with the “heavier-than-air”, thoughts on Clément Ader, relative to the French military. For Ader's own writing on related subjects, see Ader, 1908, L'Aviation militaire.

From March 1892 this research was encouraged, with that support for Ader's “doctrine of usage”. A contract from the Minister of War layed out the delivery of an avion with satisfactory performance, in exchange for a subvention of 250,000 francs followed up 650,000 francs in case of success, against his patents. The promised model, Avion III, was presented in July 1897 at the camp Satory before two generals. Despite the qualities of the machine, the test seems to have failed. It was a Minister of War, Général Billot, who decided to suppress all of Ader's pay advances, on 8 February 1898. See Jean-Baptiste Billot on French Wikipedia

Budgetary policy, per se, played a role, with a 9.24 % budgetary allocation, before 1885, sinking to a 5.62 % allocation by the turn of the century.

Policy established between 1877 and 1892 gave superior funding, and prioritization in general, to the artillery, with aeronautical research being seen more as experimental, per se, and as a gamble. (Chadeau has many particulars to be redacted here, noted as such with pencil. We have all of this on hand, to be contrasted with the published version of the dissertation.)

Advances in the lightness and mobility contributed to this trend.

“Mais la dégradation du contexte stratégico-budgétaire n’explique pas tout.” Despite all the respect due to Clément Ader and Charles Renard, it is necessary to admit that their method of research compromised the results. From the beginning, they worked thanks to particular supports. Renard, for instance, had obtained the means of conducting experiments after having personally convinced Léon Gambetta. Deceased in 1882, without leaving a true tradition in favor of aeronautical research. The contacts of Ader and de Freycinet in 1890 had been facilitated by Ader’s relations with the Péreire family, “actionnaire” of the Compagnie du Midi for whom Ader had previously worked. In 1892, contracting with the 3rd office of the État-Major, Ader became an ordinary industrial provider. At the same time, the political star of Charles de Saulses de Freycinet began to decline.

This fragile state of affairs was accentuated by the prioritization of espionage. This was intense indeed, proportionate to the desire for "Revanche", that is, the desire to retake the territory lost in the Franco-Prussian War. This stalled the interest in gasoline motors, a young industry pertinent and on the rise. The mixed hydrogen-gasoline motor of Charles Renard's dirigible the "Général Meusnier" was built in 1886, somewhat of a compromise between a field which he mastered, that of hydrogen, and gasoline, regarding which he was a beginner. Meanwhile, Ader was to remain loyal to steam propulsion, until after 1895, at which point motors of this sort began to be supplanted by those using other fuel types.

Finally, Clément Ader and Charles Renard developed their idea of an end fixed in advance, military aeronautic research, research as an end in itself. They sought an ideal machine (with indefinite relations between its theory and its application). They followed thusly the utopian ideal of the "ingénieurs de la Renaissance".

This climate provoked a certain reaction at the beginning of the 20th Century. Clément Ader definitively remitted his experimental material after his tentative in 1897. At Chalais-Meudon, under the influence of Capitaine Sacconney (1874-1935) people focused on the replacement of balloons with "trains de cerfs-volant". After the death of Charles Renard, in 1905, the Army abandoned the idea of itself creating motorized aircraft. This context clarified the tormented career of another officer, the artillery man then aviator Ferdinand Ferber (1862-1909).

(Redacted here is the section heading "1.4. Le "cas" Ferber : aéronautique et société militaire")

Louis-Ferdinand Ferber set in process a new method of work and of the diffusion of inventions. His works obliged him to leave the Army and search for private support. In this, aviation, as such, "heavier-than-air", became a commercial and economic activity.

Until 1906, Ferber's aeronautic career, such as it was, consisted in two periods, that of 1898-1902, and that of 1903-1906. According to the tradition, Ferber was a professor at the École d'Application de Fontainebleu when he discovered, "by accident" in the school's library, a review which described the experiments in human flight conducted by Otto Lilienthal (1848-1896) a German who came to die, as a victim of his own researches. Lilienthal had not been a mechanic but an analyst of flight, of which efforts tended to transform falls of a body from an elevated point into a controlled slide, as long as possible, to the ground, with the assistance of apparati of sustentation imitating birds' wings. Lilienthal's method had thusly attached itself to the "intuitions" behind the works and drawings of Leonardo da Vinci.

p.174 Otto Lilienthal had in 1889 set his method into a small work with a revealing title : “Le vol des oiseaux, fondements de la théorie du vol, essai d’une systèmatique de la pratique aérienne”. This became the as-it-were Ferber's “Bible”. He took the method, perfected it, and submitted it to mathematical analysis. (Scratched out here is an emphasis on Ferber’s familiarity with French Artillery, this informing his leaning s towards the “analyse mathémathique”. He, Ferber, deconstructed methods and objectives, inversing the prioritization order of his predecessor. To fly, it was thenceforth necessary to learn from the beginning to steer oneself in the air, and to adopt, then, the best “propulseur”. (“propulseur”, shortened from “propulseur à hélice”, and therefore implying propellers, as we think of them, in per se French usage, as opposed to other francophone usage, may not necessarily be assumed here.) It was to Ferber simplicity itself. He declared that his sole merit had consisted in looking clearly into the question and in considering it a duty to re-try the experiments of Otto Lilienthal, and finally to bring the results to the profit of France. Ferber thus directed all his efforts to the apparatus of lift, a “planeur” which he called “aéroplane”, wings, to us. He tested this near Geneva, on his grounds situated at Rue.

(p. 174) These experiments began in 1901 et Ferber enriched them by entering into contact with certain Americans, Octave Chanute, and the Wright Brothers. Following their example, he adopted starting in 1903 the rigid wings (“planeurs”) of cellular form, from which came the name “cellule” given ultimately to “ensembles sustentateurs (ailes + fuselage + cabine) des aéronefs “plus lourds que l’air”.

(“aéronefs” is penciled out, here, incidentally, using “plus lourds que l’air” as the noun. This terminology is of note, in that “aéronefs”, as a noun, is treated ready to be qualified either in the direction of LTA or heavier-than-air. Chadeau, in 1985, was grappling with these nuances.)

An article appearing L'Aérophile, February 1903, proclaimed thusly the first Parisian “cellulaire” experiment of Ferber in which the aviator, situated in his aircraft, sets into flight from a pylon several meters high : “He is the aviator, that is to say that he rides flying machines as others are drivers who ride automobiles”.

(p. 174) At the beginning of 1903, two ways appeared to (then a captain) Ferber, who until then worked at his discoveries during the rare holidays that relieved him of garrison life at Fontainebleau, then at Nice where he had been transferred in 1902. On one hand, he tried to persuade Colonel Charles Renard to take him to Chalais-Meudon. One the other hand, he got into the habit of public conferences in the course of which he revealed his methods and his results, similar to those of Octave Chanute and the Wright Brothers. The one path steered Ferber towards military research, while the second geared him towards the “socialisation” of research. The two paths were not contradictory, because “the ideas belong not to a man, but to an epoch . . . It matters thusly to the cause of aviation to launch on this idea the greatest . . .

(p. 175)

“ . . . number of men possible”.

Charles Renard succeeded in getting Ferber to Chalais-Meudon in April 1904. Research commenced right away, because Ferber found genuine assistance there. Confident in his “cellules”, he adopted in May 1905 the use of a Peugeot 12 CV motor, which allowed him, from a pylon, to succeed at a 128 meter controlled glide, a performance comparable to that achieved by the Wright Brothers in December 1903.

(p. 175) But even this success brought its difficulties. At the beginning of the summer of 1905, Ferber had to find at his own expense someone to help him with motors, a boat motor producer Léon Levasseur. Simultaneously, after the death of Charles Renard, the advocates of kites and of fixed aerostation brought about the Établissement du Génie, or simply Génie. Ferber ceased active Army duty in July 1906. This move and his association with Léon Levasseur, weren’t inconsequential, though Renard, Ader, and then Ferber worked with the Army or under its support, at private research, multi-purpose, and furthered their work in civil society, at-to the instigation or stimulation of certain economic sectors, at the initiative of isolated inventors, the discoverers, such as the young . . .

(p.176) Gabriel Voisin, driven from Lyon to Paris at the beginning of 1904 to dedicate himself to “recherches libérales” . . .

II – Aéronautique et société civile : les bases de l’invention féconde This second section of chapter 4 focuses on aeronautics and civil society, as the bases of fertile invention, and begins with a subsection on proceedings up to 1906, the premises and initiatives.

Gabriel Voisin was greatly affected by consultation with, and later by the writings of, Louis-Ferdinand Ferber. From Ferber's example "liberal" research went to lead and fix the initial and fundamental manner of industrialized French aeronautics. (p. 176 of the unpublished version of the dissertation)

2.1.1. Les dirigeables

The role of the French state, heavily tangent both to the military, of course, and to industry more generally, as furthering or hindering the progressive impulses of the aeronautic pioneers, is always pertinent.

Page 180 features “Figure 57 : Les circuits de la recherche aéronautique privée en France en 1905”. This diagram, penciled out, shows Chadeau’s view of the entire aero-auto-finance-military-promotion-research complex, interestingly featuring “Presse Aéronautique”, over “Presse Automobile”, at the top of the diagram, with these repeated, with the order reversed, at the bottom. Otherwise, it is a diagram of individuals, of fields of industry beyond aero, though tangenting into it, and of the particular dynamics existing between “Aviation” and “Dirigeables”. (As always with Chadeau, “aéronautique” is used to include both the heavier-than-air and the LTA.) The two aeronautical fields share the same half-military-half-private “clientèle”. The rail industry bridges into aviation by way of Archdeacon. Petrol bridges into both aviation and dirigibles by way of Deutsch de la Meurthe. Textile reaches dirigibles by way of Lebaudy. Ferber, Voisin, Esnault-Pelterie and Levasseur are featured within aviation, while dirigibles features Surcouf, Mallet-Zodiac, Godard, Albert de Dion, and “Panhard & Levassor”. This summation is simplified. The diagram is to be seen. We are not certain as to whether the diagram was truly excluded from the published version of the thesis. In diagramming a per se “complex”, Chadeau was likely facing a variety of judgement calls regarding the treatment of data in a linear way.

Crucial is Henry Deutsch de la Meurthe (1846-1919), to whom credit is given for giving primacy to research into mechanical aeronautic. He was the motivator of the powerful Les Fils d’Alexandre Deutsch Compagnie which did business between oil firms in the US and Russia. He focused on the business outlets. As an engineer at the École des Mines in Paris, he conducted various business relations and did rather well. From 1886, he had aided in the furnishing of motors to the Général Meusnier of Charles Renard. It was at the Exposition Universelle de 1889, where he presided over a specialized jury, that he publicly affirmed his “mécénat”, that is, his rôle as protector of the “arts”. In 1895, along with Étienne van Zuylen van Nyevelt he created the Automobile Club. When Zuylen and the marquis Jules-Albert de Dion created the “identical” Aéro-Club de France in 1898, he wanted to affirm the force of his “mécénat”.

(Redacted, by pencil, following “1898”, is the assertion that Deutsch marked his preference of aeronautics, by participating individually in the works of his “commission de navigation aérienne”, the works of which were more “theoretical and utopian than sportive”. All of this characterization is entered, though to be redacted, as is the emphasis on the fact or idea that his “mécénat” was “private”. Other redactions, showing Chadeau's oscillating tone, include the characterization on the Automobile Club as an organ "of reception end propaganda".)

In 1889 he funded a 100,000 franc award, his Deutsch prize, for the first flyer to “doubler” the Eiffel Tower and to thusly demonstrate aircraft maneuverability.

This prize was taken by Alberto Santos-Dumont (1873-1932) 19 October 1901, who had not designed his aircraft, which had been constructed by several small and specialized static balloon firms : Godard in Puteaux, Mallet-Schelcher in Levallois, and Surcouf in Boulogne-Billancourt, which ordinarily supplied the Aéro-Club de France and the Army.

This experiment and the award money stimulated the initiative of various distinguished amateurs. In, 1902

Earnest Archdeacon, whose brother was deputee of Yonne, was motivated, along with popular journals who looked to aeronavigation for the renewal of the publicity brought by the automobile 1895-1898. The initiative of Henry Deutsch de la Meurthe also brought aeronautics back to the center of economic and civil society.

(p. 183)

… showed itself to be unstable; it fell and caused the drowning of the pilot. Voisin therein gave up the idea that the apparatus was governable, other than by way of traction. It was therefore necessary to motorize it. So he left Archdeacon and looked for a mechanic, because his knowledge of motors was limited to the construction, in 1900, with his brother Charles, of a steam-driven pleasure canoe. He thusly got into contact with Levasseur, by way of Ferber. It is this route also that delivered another particularly talented amateur, Robert Esnault-Pelterie (1881-1957). This pioneer, son of a cotton producer (also a member of the Conseil d’Escompte de la Banque de France), was, like others, inspired by the achievements of Chanute and the Wright Brothers, to construct a cellular glider that he tested at the end of 1904. These attempts led him to calculate the relations between the cellule’s incidence, its stability and the speed of translation, and to bring new rudders into the design : at the front of the cellule downward-pressuring rudder (perhaps in the furtherance of stability), completed by a vertical rudder in the rear.

In the summer of 1905, this progress allowed him, like some of his colleagues, to pass to the motorization stage. He designed then a motor adapted to his needs, but in waiting to bring this to bear, he went to Levasseur.

The common use of the 25 then 50 CV Levasseur, named “Antoinette” after the daughter of Gastambide, consecrated the advance of a little motor over the current production, or that specialized towards the needs of automobilists : he developed 0.5 CV/kg, two to three times more (powerful ?) than the models available elsewhere. Its cooling by air rendered it simple and less cumbersome.

The Italian Alexandre Anzani put himself at the service of “aviateurs” in studying from the beginning of 1906 at concurrent motor. (Chadeau pencils out “spécial”, here, suggesting perhaps that this qualifier is as-it-were redundant, in this context, in that all these developments were new, with even what we might consider slight variations having some import, and with nothing having been brought to mass industrial levels of production, all these things being “special”, therefore, and not taken as for granted.)

The great automobile firms and the milieux which were connected to them saw therein a way to competitively defy a part of the innovations in the heavier-than-air, but they continued to surround, or contain, the “aviators”, notably by way of financial aid and their power over the press. It is in this context that research allowed between the beginning of 1906 and that of 1908, the bringing to bear of an entirely new engine, “l’aéroplane à moteur”, completely “automobile”. “automobile” is naturally a viable way of describing self-propulsion. Its usage as a noun for what we may call a . . . car . . . was nevertheless becoming established. The aero-development was being praised, naturally, but-and in the language praise there can be seen fairly explicitly the promotional interests of industrialists, hedging between fields.

(In all of this language we see terminology in flux, with “aéroplane” seemingly meaning glider, with “à moteur” serving as a needed qualifier, between the use of “aéroplane” as what we would call “wing” and its later anglicized use as “airplane”. We also see innovative dynamism contained, co-opted as-it-were, “branded”, by wary interest-takers, and furthered at the same time.)

On p. 187 the early ateliers are labelled as "motors of progress", with an emphasis placed on those associated with Appareils d'Aviation Les Frères Voisin, and with the Société Antoinette. (This is arguably the single key point of transition between aviation as a field of experimentation, as such, or "merely", and its segue into the scale we associate with industry. Though the French nation state and the military are always pertinent, and sometimes quite strongly, this dynamism of the private sector is central to Chadeau's fundamental assertion.)


Original title État, Entreprise & Développement Économique : L’Industrie Aéronautique en France (1900-1940)
Simple title State, Enterprise, and Economic Development: The aeronautic Industry in France (1900-1940)
Authors Emmanuel Chadeau
Date 1985
Countries FR
Languages fr
Keywords aéronautique, aviation, industry, atelier, military, Frères Montgolfier, balloons, dirigibles, Jean-François Pilâtre de Rozier, heavier-than-air, Marquis d’Arlandes, Corps des Ingénieurs, Génie, Jean-Baptiste Meusnier, propellers, Louis-Bernard Guyton de Morveau, Antoine Laurent Lavoisier, Jean-Marie Coutelle, captive, envelope, Lhomond, École National d’Aérostation, Franco-Prussian War, Établissement Central de l’Aérostation Militaire, Charles Renard, Arthur Krebs, nacelle, hélice, marine, airship, motors, gas, steam, oil, wind tunnel, Général Meusnier, stability, Clément Ader, electricity, Ader, 1908, L'Aviation militaire, Avion III, Léon Gambetta, Péreire, Compagnie du Midi, steam propulsion, Louis-Ferdinand Ferber, École d'Application de Fontainebleu, sustentation, Leonardo da Vinci, Otto Lilienthal, Lilienthal, 1889, Der vogelflug als grundlage der fliegekunst. Ein beitrag zur systematik der flugtechnik, propulseur, sustentation, lift, wings, Gabriel Voisin, Henry Deutsch de la Meurthe, Les Fils d’Alexandre Deutsch Compagnie, US, Russia, École des Mines, Étienne van Zuylen van Nyevelt, Albert de Dion
Journal Doctoral thesis
Related to aircraft? 1
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